Suggested Activity for Teenage Fathers

Parenting is a very big responsibility and mixing that with being a teenager, well, its pretty hard to adjust... based from experience.

Teenage life on its own can be confusing. We are faced with different challenges everyday and the inner battle to stay away from vices. Trying to fit in with our clicks is always associated to a form of stress. Now, add being a parent and things can get complicated.

Teenage parents, teenage fathers to be specific, have a huge responsibility being there for their child. They have mixed emotions, they want to be there for their child but at the same time, they themselves are still children who still want to act irresponsibly.

As our group deliberated about this topic, we have come to a decision. In the case of teenage fathers, wherein the father has a good relationship with the mother and is willing to become responsible, we suggest a monthly weekend retreat with their child. During this process, they will be doing activities with their children, specifically building a relationship with their child and helping them realize that this life transition can become a positive from a possibly negative situation.

Intimacy Achievement Effects on Young Fathers

Unique developmental and social issues influence the formation of interpersonal relationships during adolescence. Adolescence is a time of transition and growth when struggle for autonomy, develop peer relationships, and renegotiate their roles in family, school, and cultural environments (Rodriguez and Moore, 1995). Erikson (1968) believed that peer relationships and youthful romances likely serve as mechanisms for identity development and relational success later in life.

For adolescent fathers, interpersonal relationships during adolescence can be especially rewarding. They can find fulfillment on physical, emotional, and cognitive levels through these interactions as both parents and romantic partners. For all adolescents, this can be a trying task, especially if they are experiencing considerable stress. In particular, adolescent fathers in urban settings may face unique stressors such as low income, job difficulties, gang violence, and emotional problems. Furthermore, the development of healthy interpersonal relationships for adolescent fathers may be hindered by exposure to high-risk environments. Many times, psychological, social, and contextual risk factors combine to influence the level of intimacy and involvement between the adolescent father and the mother of his baby. Failure to cope with these risk factors may hinder adolescent fathers' development of interpersonal skills such as intimacy, mutual trust, and open communication.

If adolescent fathers do not adequately learn the skills necessary for intimacy achievement, the negative consequences for them and their families could be far reaching. Often society labels adolescent fathers as negligent and irresponsible in the absence of empirical research. Currently, few research studies have focused on adolescent romantic relationships, much less the role that psychosocial stress and relational intimacy may have on paternal involvement. Research is needed to gain a more accurate understanding of how psychological and social factors relate to the development of relational intimacy for young fathers. This study examined how specific psychosocial risk factors, including family income, individual socioeconomic status, neighborhood crime, interpersonal empathy, and psychopathology, collectively relate to the intimacy achievement of urban adolescent fathers-to-be.

Intimacy Achievement: A Critical Developmental Task

Intimacy has been described as a process that develops over time. As such, many developmental theorists include intimacy as a vital component in their hierarchy of needs (Erikson, 1950; Maslow, 1954; Sullivan, 1953). Erikson included intimacy as a dimension in his hierarchy of development and referred to it as a critical task in the transition from adolescence to adulthood (Schaefer and Olson, 1981, p. 19). Sullivan associated the beginning need for intimacy with adolescence and called the establishment of relationships the "crux of our existence from the cradle to the grave."

The development of intimacy for adolescent fathers is critical to their present and future interpersonal relationships. People who have established an intimate status within interpersonal relationships are characterized by the desire to engage in close, warm, and communicative interactions with others (McAdams, 1982). Furthermore, these individuals have several close friends as well as involvement in a committed love relationship illustrated by the expression of affectionate feelings, mutual respect, and perspective taking (Orlofsky et al., 1973). Unfortunately, some adolescent fathers are faced with personal, social, and environmental obstacles to their development of intimacy expression. For many young urban adolescents, the desire to make positive changes in their lives is thwarted by overwhelming concerns about psychosocial stressors such as racism, violence, and death (Way, 1998). It is possible that early romantic relationships may play a role in the consolidation of identity and may affect subsequent r omantic relationships and marital life (Shulman and Collins, 1997).

Contextual and Psychosocial Influences on Adolescent Intimacy

Adolescent relationships, specifically the process of intimacy development, are shaped by many external factors. Adolescents' families and communities jointly influence their levels of relational intimacy and closeness. More specifically, Bronfenbrenner (1979; 1986) described four environmental systems within which children develop: (a) the microsystem, which refers to the child's primary settings (e.g., home); (b) the mesosystem, which refers to the interaction of primary settings (e.g., school and home); (c) the exosystem, which refers to environments indirectly affecting the child's development (e.g., parent's work); and (d) the macrosystem, which refers to the larger societal morals, values, and philosophies. Bronfenbrenner indicated that to comprehend a child's development, one must understand the adolescent's interaction within multiple contexts. Adolescent intimacy achievement, a key developmental process, is similarly affected by these various ecosystems.

Although microsystem models are important for understanding specific aspects of children's environment, an understanding of mesosystemic factors is essential and advocates a comprehension of the interactions among children's multiple environments. Other theorists have proposed the use of an ethnographic framework for the systemic and developmental study of racially diverse urban adolescents. Adolescents residing in a high-risk environment may begin an accelerated life course characterized by becoming "adult-like" too soon (e.g., working multiple jobs, multiple pregnancies) as well as living in numerous high-risk neighborhoods to obtain various social supports (Burton, 2001; Burton et al., 1995, 1996). This study examined the larger systemic interactions between personal characteristics, family income, neighborhood composition, and adolescent relationships.

Family Socioeconomic Status

Family income has been shown to have a large impact on adolescent development. An, Haveman, and Wolfe (1993) found that family socioeconomic status (SES) is an independent risk factor for adolescent childbearing and an indication of the severity of exposure to deleterious familial environments. Furthermore, child maltreatment and negative developmental outcomes are concentrated among socially and economically "high-risk" families (Garbarino and Sherman, 1980). It is possible that adolescents living in economically challenged households may learn inappropriate interpersonal skills and intimacy expression because of a scarcity of parental role models.

Neighborhood Characteristics

Families with low household incomes may reside in high-risk neighborhoods because of their financial situation. These high-risk neighborhoods are characterized by poverty, joblessness, and high crime rates (Wilson, 1987). The economic character of neighborhoods can affect families in many different ways. Lower SES neighborhoods may have low-quality public and private resources, such as schools, parks, sports organizations, and police protection. Low SES adolescent fathers who reside in high-risk, economically deprived neighborhoods may frequently spend time away from the mothers of their babies while working to support them. Young fathers who spend most of their day away from home working may have difficulty establishing an intimate relationship with the mothers of their babies because of lack of quality time together. Furthermore, studies addressing contextual influences on adolescent psychosocial development have found that neighborhoods with fewer socioeconomic resources have higher levels of family and co mmunity stress (Allison et al., 1999).

Concerns of Being an Adolescent Father

For adolescent fathers, much of their stress involves vocational/educational issues, interpersonal relationships, health, and concern over future parenting competence. Like adolescent mothers, fathers obtain less education and, thus, have lower long-term labor market and earning potential than their counterparts who delay fathering. Whether these deficits predate the pregnancy or are a result of the pregnancy (e.g., drop out of school to provide support), these young fathers are generally disadvantaged.

The involvement of fathers with their children is higher than expected, at least in the first few years. Research shows that almost half of young nonresident fathers visit their children weekly, and almost 25 percent have daily contact. However, contact with the child typically diminishes over time, such that fewer than 25 percent see their school-age children weekly. Lack of contact is related to economic status; those fathers with more resources (e.g., education, income) are more involved. Financial support follows a similar pattern, although when support is provided, it is often modest. Estimates project that U.S. fathers who do not marry the adolescent mothers have incomes sufficient to expect them to contribute support at a level that would offset as much as 40 to 50 percent of welfare costs (Maynard 1997).

Adolescent Fatherhood

ADOLESCENT FATHERHOOD:
A Conversation with Waldo Johnson

By Robin Walls, SSA second-year administration student

Waldo Johnson is an Assistant Professor at the School of Social Service Administration at the University of Chicago. His research focuses primarily on adolescent fathers. In a recent interview, I spoke with Johnson about the myths and realities of adolescent fatherhood.

Adolescent fathers are often depicted as irresponsible teenagers who engage in sexual behavior for which they may be physically, but not always emotionally ready. Thus, if their partners become pregnant, they often play a distant or superficial role in their children's lives. Johnson agrees that to a certain degree, teens become fathers because they are not fully conscious of the responsibilities of fatherhood, and if they were, such knowledge could serve to delay fatherhood.

Johnson notes, however, that there are also social influences, such as media messages, which impact a teen's decision regarding fatherhood, by primarily focusing on the enjoyable aspects of sexual behavior, without the accompanying responsibilities.

It is known that peer pressure plays a big part in influencing adolescent behavior, including sexual activity. Johnson states, "peer pressure often makes a big difference and particularly with young men, ...many of them are influenced by their peers, who are perceived as having sex". For many teenagers sex is not a planned event, but is in fact opportunistic, "when they get up in the morning it's not like it hasn't come to mind, but they don't prepare for it. They don't necessarily carry condoms in their wallet in the event that they're planning to have sex."

In fact, peer influence may be significantly more influential than sex education. While females generally benefit from formal education regarding the emotional and physical aspects of maturing, often times males do not. Johnson describes the process that African-American males go through as being a "ritualized" rather than a formal education.

Paternal Involvement Among Adolescent Fathers

Regarding paternal involvement, Johnson has found that there is a broad spectrum. If both parents are minors, they are likely to reside in the parent's home. Thus, depending on how the grand-maternal or paternal parents feel about continued contact between the adolescent parents, teen fathers may have little control over access to their children. But as Johnson points out, maturity is also an important factor in understanding family formation and structure among unmarried adolescent parents. "My research explored men's expectations as fathers and adolescent fathersQlike older fathers talk in terms of providing support for their families. But across the board you find a real disjuncture between what adolescent fathers say and do in terms of paternal role functioning." Economic obstacles often faced by urban, and in particular African American, adolescent fathers, can prohibit them from supporting their children financially.

Johnson also discussed his view of the recent welfare reform legislation with regards to the overwhelming focus on adolescent mothers. He opposes the notion of intervention programs that dichotomize adolescent mothers and fathers and cites recent child development research which contends that fathers play an equally important role as do mothers in basic child nurturing and development.

Practical Implications

Johnson serves on the Advisory Board of the Paternal Involvement Project (PIP), which began in 1992 as a demonstration project. PIP is designed to work with fathers who are disconnected from their children and to help them become emotionally and financially involved. It's primary population is adults, but serves fathers as young as 17.

The project encourages fathers to spend time with their children. The agency tries to work out arrangements with both parents regarding visitation. If unable to reach an agreement, the goal is for visitation to take place at the agency. The program also provides educational and professional assessments as well as educational assistance

Professor Johnson feels that one of the most important aspects of PIP is that, "....[it has] been able to create an opportunity by which men can pursue their responsibilities as fathers by becoming involved." To that end, the project has also been heavily involved in shaping more father-friendly policy. For instance, when fathers become involved in the project one of the first steps is to establish legal paternity. Once legal paternity is established, PIP works with the court system so that fathers are not immediately in arrearage for child support, but are expected to pay once they begin working.

Responsibilities of a Teen Father

Teen Dad
by Alyson K. Sickels
First things first — establish paternity as soon as possible after your baby is born. When your baby's mother gives birth, you'll probably receive a form at the hospital that asks you to acknowledge that you are the baby's father. Signing this paternity form is the first step in protecting your child and legally establishing your relationship. Because it is a legal document, you may want to ask your parent or another trusted adult to review it before you sign so you understand exactly what it means. If you don't receive a paternity form at the hospital, ask a hospital administrator which public office you should go to for a form.

Without your signature on the paternity form, visitation and custody rights are out of the question. In fact, you may lose any and all rights to be a part of your child's life. When you sign, your child will be entitled to lifelong benefits, such as Social Security, health care coverage, or veteran's benefits, should you decide to enter the military. Your child will also be able to receive an inheritance. And your child's health care providers will be able to treat and prevent illnesses by knowing the family's medical history. But most importantly, your child will have a daddy who protects his relationship with his child. If you choose not to sign the paternity form, a court may force you to take a blood test to prove paternity. Then, it'll cost time, money, and no doubt a lot of unnecessary stress. You can be ordered to take the test at anytime until the child is 18. Your Responsibilities It's your responsibility to provide money — officially known as child support — for food, clothes, an education, medical care, shelter, and other life necessities. Quitting school is always a bad idea, but you should get an after-school job. Most states require that child support be paid monthly until the child turns 18, regardless of whether you're a student, in the military, or unemployed. That's true even if the mother lives with her parents, goes on welfare, or gets married. You shouldn't run away from your obligation to support your child. If you try and they find you, money can be taken automatically from your paychecks, tax refunds, or in the form of personal property, like your car. If that isn't bad enough, your credit will be ruined, and you won't be able to get a credit card, replace the car that was confiscated, or rent an apartment or buy a house. You may be sued and even end up in jail. So, it's to your advantage, as well as your child's, that you pay your child support on time. No amount of money will ever be a substitute for a close father/child relationship. Emotional support is a responsibility, too. It includes attention, care, affection, and unconditional L-O-V-E. In fact, some states will take your parental rights away if you don't visit, call, write, or e-mail your child for a certain amount of time. Parenthood is an emotional and financial commitment that lasts at least 18 years. If you hold up your part of the bargain, you can participate fully in your child's life. You'll see your child's first smile, first step, and first day of school; and pass on your love of baseball, family traditions, and music.

Do Teen Fathers Differ from Other Young Men?

Many studies have looked at young women who become pregnant and how they differ from their peers, but the literature does not give as much information about the young men involved in early parenting. However, as several of the articles reviewed in this issue have pointed out, the teen father can play an important role.

A 1995 article in Youth and Society details a study of teen fathers both before and after they become parents. To do this, the study used national labor market data to follow a large number of teenage boys over a ten-year period. During this time, 650 of these teens became fathers. These 650 fathers were then compared to nonfathers on dimensions of education, family background, self-esteem, and locus of control. (Locus of control refers to whether a person believes he or she can make changes in the world. If a person believes this is possible, they are said to have an internal locus of control. If they believe outside forces control his or her destiny, they are said to have an external locus of control. Generally, an internal locus of control is believed to be related to better outcomes.)

Teen fathers were found to be significantly different from their peers in all dimensions. Teens who became fathers had parents with fewer years of education, had more siblings, and were much more likely to have grown up in a home below the poverty line. These households contained fewer books, magazines, and newspapers. Less than half lived with both parents until age 18.

On attitudinal measures, teen fathers were less likely to see themselves as in control of their lives, both before and after they became parents. They also reported more traditional views of gender roles. Self-esteem scores were lower for those who eventually became teen fathers, supporting similar research on teen mothers and suggesting that teens of both sexes with low self-esteem may turn to parenting as a way to raise their self-esteem.

In the short run, this strategy appeared to work for many of these young men. A significant group of teen fathers' self-esteem measures matched their parenthood-delaying peers after their children were born. However, these gains were not lasting. By seven years after birth of the child, teen fathers' self-esteem scores were again significantly below those of their peers.

The results of this study point to the need to consider the vulnerability of young men as well as young women when considering teen pregnancy prevention. It appears that the same dynamics that predispose young women toward early motherhood also are at work in young men. Poverty, family instability, low educational attainment, poor self-esteem, and an external locus of control all work together to make control over parenthood seem next to impossible.

Reference

Pirog-Good, M. A. (1995). The family background and attitudes of teen fathers. Youth and Society, 26(3), 351-376.

© 1995 Jordan Institute for Families

Young Fathers: Influences, Barriers, Possibilities

YOUNG FATHERS: INFLUENCES, BARRIERS, POSSIBILITIES

Messages from the Research

Younger marginalized men who become fathers are not only perhaps the most at risk, but are also the most invisible (Ferguson & Hogan, 2004). Engaging with them, however, is not simply of importance to their development: for the sake of their children, and of the mothers of their children, service providers should seek to assess and support them.

Pregnancy / birth prevention

When a pregnancy is unplanned there is a reluctance to engage with the father, particularly if he is young; and his views are not perceived as relevant. They are relevant.

• Pregnant teenagers’ attitudes towards their pregnancy are strongly linked with their perceptions of the father’s desire for the pregnancy (Hellerstedt et al, 2001).

• In deciding whether to abort or proceed to full term, pregnant teenage girls are substantially influenced by the known views of their baby’s father (Evans, 2001).

Is there any value in trying go engage young men in pregnancy planning?

• Young males are less knowledgeable about sex and relationships than young females, but value the information more highly when it is provided to them (Blenkinsop et al, 2004).

• Howard et al (2004), surveying 2000 mostly African American 8th grade boys found the vast majority willing to use protection: this resulted in the local hospital restructuring its teen family planning clinical services to give the same in-hospital clinical and counselling support to young males as to young females.

• However, while California’s Male Involvement Programme (‘Let’s Hear it for the Boys’) was able to improve boys’ knowledge and understanding, translating this into changed behaviour was not so easy. Insights from this work are informing new responsive strategies (Brindis et al, 2005).

Characteristics of young fathers

A review of the literature on young fathers in America and Britain found their circumstances and backgrounds strikingly similar to teenage mothers’ (Bunting & McAuley, 2004a; see also Berrington et al, 2005).

• Entry into young fatherhood is predicted by low SES, poor academic skills, failure to use condoms, early marriage/cohabitation, and having a mother who was younger at first birth. Anti-social behaviour and its correlates (including academic failure, substance use and early initiation of sexual behaviours) are also implicated (Pears et al, 2005; Bunting, 2005).

• Tan & Quinlivan (2006) found, in multivariate analysis and after controlling for family income and education, men’s history of parental separation/divorce, their exposure to family violence in early childhood and their illicit drug use having significant, independent associations with becoming fathers to the babies of teenage mothers.

• Miller-Johnson et al (2004), in a prospective longitudinal study of 335 African American males found childhood aggression (particularly when stable across 3rd to 5th grades) significantly predicting reported pregnancies during adolescence, with adolescent substance use and deviant peer involvement adding incrementally to the prediction. This suggests that precursors for males’ early pregnancy can be identified as early as age 8.

The degree of disadvantage experienced by young fathers is graphically illustrated by the strong correlation between being a young father and being a young offender. Among 15-17 year old offenders 12% have children of their own (Prisons Inspectorate estimate); and among those aged 22 and under, nearly half are (or are about to become) fathers – as well as having, on average, literacy/numeracy levels below age 11. Over half have been in care; many have experienced violence or sexual abuse at home; and few have had models of good fathering (Young Voice, 2005).

The life trajectories of men who become young fathers are, like those of young mothers, significantly more negative than the average (Higginbottam et al, 2006). As with young motherhood, these negative effects are mainly explained by selection: men who become fathers when young tend to be disadvantaged to start with, and to remain so. Early fatherhood itself may have some additional negative impacts, however: elevated risks of experiencing a series of unstable sexual partnerships and of living in public housing are found among men who have experienced early fatherhood when compared with controls (Sigle-Rushton, 2005).

Young fathers who are not co-resident with their babies’ mothers tend to be of lower SES than co-resident young fathers, and to suffer more unemployment. They are also characterized by a lower threshold for the experience of negative emotions such as fear, anxiety and anger; experience more symptoms of anxiety and substance abuse; and engage in more crime, violence and abusive behaviour towards women (Jaffee et al, 2001).

Young father involvement: opportunities

Quinton et al (2002) found young fathers much keener to be involved than hitherto believed, as did Bunting & McAuley (2004a). Florsheim & Ngu (2003) observed fatherhood to be a ‘wake up call’ for some hugely disadvantaged young men, who gradually pulled their lives together afterwards. Interestingly, a positive attitude during the pregnancy was no predictor of this, and some of the young men spent time in prison after their babies were born. The ‘wake up call’ often kicked in a little later.

Young Offenders see fatherhood as an important motivator for change. A recent study of 18 to 20-year-old male offenders – 30% of whom were fathers or had a pregnant partner or ex-partner - identified six factors they believed would contribute to successfully resettlement: gaining employment; having stable housing; being in a relationship; having a child; having positive family relations; and managing drug/alcohol use (Farrant, 2006).

A key finding by Quinton et al (2002) was that background disadvantage was a less powerful predictor of ongoing paternal involvement among young fathers than was the quality of the relationship with the child’s mother. Similarly, Erkut et al (2005), studying Puerto Rican adolescent fathers, found their involvement influenced by child characteristics, their own perceptions of their fathering competence, social support - and the quality of relationship with their baby’s mother. Ngu (2005) has unpacked this last finding, discovering that higher relational skills (acceptance, cognitive empathy) in young mothers during pregnancy predicted better parenting outcomes for the young fathers two years later. The young mother’s higher relational capacity was also found to predict development in the young father’s own relational capacity – which, in turn, predicted better paternal functioning.

Young father involvement: obstacles

Young fathers frequently face family rejection, barriers to contact with child and mother, a lack of ways to contribute financially, and an inability to envision future achievements (for review see Guterman & Lee, 2005). Furthermore:

• They tend to believe they are unwelcome and inadequate as parents (Knitzer & Bernard, 1997).

• They generally face lack of preparedness for fatherhood, cognitively and emotionally (for review see Guterman & Lee, 2005) and their knowledge of infant development tends to be deficient and unrealistic (De Lissovoy, 1973).

• Many have difficulty controlling their tempers (Bolton, 1987) and express negative parenting attitudes and behaviours (Miller, 1994).

• Related to this, they may be more likely than older fathers to be violent towards their partners and, possibly, their children (Guterman & Lee, 2005).

• They need to reconcile the contradictory roles of adolescent and father and often to assume the responsibilities of adulthood before they are sufficiently mature (Kahn & Bolton, 1986).

• One US study found 47% of young fathers using alcohol, 40% having problems with the law, and 42% having been in jail (Weinman et al, 2005); other studies have identified higher than average involvement in drug use, although most young fathers are not serious drug users (for review, see Guterman & Lee, 2005).

Young fathers also have very high rates of anxiety and depression (Miller, 1994). These are strongly correlated with younger age of onset of fatherhood, exposure to domestic violence as a child, and no father alive (Quinlivan & Condon, 2005). Common mental health issues that young fathers report are related to relationships, neighbourhood, family, tobacco use, police, and being a parent (Weinman et al, 2005).

Yet the young men’s distress usually goes untreated: their formal contact with psychiatric services is no higher than that of older, less depressed fathers (Quinlivan & Condon, 2005); and they do not seem to recognise their own needs. For example:

• In one study where the young fathers identified feeling states of anger, sadness/depression, nervousness/tension, helplessness and aggression, few requested services to address these issues; rather, their most frequently requested service needs were related to jobs and vocational training (Weinman et al, 2005).

• A majority of young offenders who had very much appreciated a parenting course delivered in prison expressed reluctance about accessing parenting and other formal provision post-release (Meek, in press).

Many of the issues and deficits identified in young fathers are also issues among young mothers. However, while a wide range of services are in place to help these young women in their transition to parenthood, services not only tend to ignore young fathers but are overwhelmingly averse to them. Specifically:

• Quinton et al (2002) found young fathers ‘mostly ignored, marginalized or made uncomfortable by services, despite their desire for information, advice and inclusion.

• Bunting & McAuley (2004b) in a review of US and UK studies found young fathers reporting limited/no contact with midwives, health visitors and social workers.

• Bunting (2005) found health visitors perceiving the needs of both teenage mothers and their partners as high, the young mothers’ parenting capacity as average to good, the young fathers’ parenting capacity as poor, and decreases in couple/paternal contact as being due to negative characteristics in the fathers. All these assumptions were made, despite the fact that the health visitors actually knew very little about the young fahers and were ill-equipped to offer them support, being neither aware of any support they might be receiving, or of services that might be able to help them.

• Pollock et al (2006) found systemic exclusion of (mainly black) young fathers in a London hospital maternity service, though more inclusion by the local teenage pregnancy team.

• Higginbottom et al (2006), reporting the views of ethnic minority young parents in England, found the young fathers, the young mothers and the service providers all agreeing that services were aimed at mothers.

Effects of ignoring young fathers

Quinton et al (2002) found that, by ignoring young fathers, services were ignoring mothers’ wishes: while in 50% of cases health visitors did not even know the fathers’ names, the young mothers themselves often placed a high value on the involvement of their babies’ fathers.

Another effect of ignoring the young fathers is to compromise their children’s wellbeing:

• Among expectant teenage mothers, lack of perceived support by the father of their baby is a key correlate of high scores on the Child Abuse Potential Inventory (Zelenko et al, 2001).

• A decreasing pattern of involvement by the young father is significantly associated with young mothers’ increased parenting stress (Kalil et al, 2005).
• Teenage mothers with positive partner support are less rejecting and punitive towards their children (Unger & Wandersman, 1988).

Professionals who do not asses ,young fathers pre-natally, may miss important indicators of future child abuse:

• Young expectant fathers who report poor relations with their own parents during the prenatal interview have higher child abuse potential scores at follow up (Florsheim & Ngu, 2003).

• Young men with a history of psychopathology revealed pre-natally report higher rates of physically punitive behavior toward their child later (Florsheim & Ngu, 2003).

• A history of psychopathology in both young parents (identified pre-natally) predicts inter-couple violence postpartum – another serious risk factor not only for the young adults, but for their infants (Moore & Floresheim, 2001).

Finding and working with young fathers

Identifying the fathers of the babies of teenage mothers should not prove difficult if community and health services work together. Fitzpatrick et al (1997) surveying pregnant teenagers at an Adolescent Antenatal Booking Clinic in Dublin found that at an average of 16.4 weeks into their pregnancies 87.5% said they were involved in a continuing relationship with the father of their baby. Although a significant proportion of the birth certificates of babies born to teenage mothers do not identify the father (Ferguson & Hogan, 2004), Phipps et al (2005) found that in such cases in the USA, the father’s name was usually in the hospital records.

Can interventions with young fathers bear fruit?

• In Ireland, Ferguson & Hogan (2004) report that a key challenge in working with some young fathers is to move them beyond ‘protest masculinity’ so they can adjust to domestic routines. These researchers believe intensive day or residential family support is the model most likely to lead to successful outcomes.

• One small US study of just six fathers (Parra-Cardona et al, 2006) found the young men’s involvement with their children and their commitment as fathers substantially increased after participation in a therapeutic/ psycho-educational fatherhood programme.

• Saleh et al (2005) found programme participation by 38 young fathers correlated with one third moving from ‘positive emotionality’ to substantial ‘engagement’ with their child. In this last study, ‘accessibility’ (i.e. the amount of time the child was available to the father) showed the smallest shift. This is not surprising, as it is the area least likely to be controlled by the young father himself.

The significance of the wider family cannot be overestimated in devising support for young fathers (Kiselika, 1995).

• Kalil et al (2005) found sustained low father involvement highly correlated with strong support given to the young mother by her own mother, particularly when the two lived together. By contrast, where the young mother experienced positive relationships with both the young father and his family (particularly his mother), this was predictive of higher initiated and sustained father-involvement.

• Anderson (1993) found the paternal grandmother’s acceptance of her son’s paternity and her feelings towards the child’s mother significant in pushing the young father towards accepting his paternal role.

• Krishnakumar & Black (2003) found that a young mother’s satisfaction over time with the young father’s involvement was predicted by a positive relationship between her own mother and the young man.

Another finding from the Kalil study was the substantial stability of very low involvement over time: only one young father increased his involvement over time from a very low level. By contrast, however, another similar study found 18% of the young fathers moving from low involvement at the birth to high involvement 2-3 years later (Coley & Chase-Lansdale, 1999). Such findings point to the early years as a potential ‘decision process’ for young families, in terms of developing paternal roles – and to the importance of intervening early in the parenting cycle.